Who is we paleface?

“It’s just another manic Monday
Wish it were Sunday
That’s my fun day
My I don’t have to run day
It’s just another manic Monday”

(The Bangles)

 

Overtime payments are given to those for whom Sunday is not a fun-day, that is in recognition of unsocial hours worked, hours out of sync with the rest of society. Attacking their use in the Tourist Industry, the Minister for Tourism,Martin Cullen’s argues 

 ”We have all moved to a seven-day week, so we will have to renegotiate this across the entire workforce to remain competitive,” he added. “It will have to come to the next step and I hope that by negotiation in the near future it will be seen as a normal rotation of whatever a 40-hour week is. That is the way it has to be.”

The Dail (the Irish parliament) by the way doesn’t sit at the weekend. It sits 3 days a week, from 2.30pm on Tuesday to 4.45pm on Thursday, so it does make you wonder who the “we” he is referring to.  A similar question is provoked by Fine Gael tourism spokeswoman Olivia Mitchell response “I understand that there have been some improvements from double time down to time-and- a-third, but the whole structure of the catering industry pay rates seems to be a real barrier to survival for many such firms.” I doubt the waiters and waitresses who have had their overtime cut, consider it to be an improvement. 

According to the CSO, in 2004 over 10% of employees worked overtime. The Fourth European Working Conditions Survey (2005) indicates that less than 50% of the working population in Ireland and the UK work on Saturdays, and less than 35% work on Sundays.

All this brings another Eipper quote to mind.

“By successfully marshalling government, religious and popular support for their interests, they [the business class] were able, in the classic fashion, to present their specific interests as general ones”.

Working Eight to Eight

Aileen

It’s Budget Day here, and I’m finding it difficult to concentrate what with the sense of impending doom. In the weeks leading up to today’s budget the government had been in talks with the representatives of most of the Irish unions on how best to cut public sector pay. Details of what was being discussed were leaked, and most of the proposals seemed to address aspects of working time including:

- Paying overtime at flat rates rather than time and half.
- Introducing an 8am-8pm core day during which no overtime payments would apply.
- The introduction of 12 unpaid leave, the possibility of staff working a small number of additional hours per week and the elimination of privilege days.

Many of these would change our standard working day. That is, instead of the norm being defined as working an eight hour day from 9-5, in the public sector at least, the norm would become an eight hour day worked somewhere between 8 am to 8 pm. The motivation is to save money by paying people less, by redefining “over-time” as “normal-time”. The states wants to balance it’s books by cutting the public sector wage bill (rather than, for example, tackling our particularly unequal tax system). It’s important however to think about what the other effects of the removal of the 9-5 working time standard might be.

Have a look at the opening scenes in the Billy Wilder film “The Apartment” above. Go to 2 minutes, 26 seconds in. The voice-over says  “The hours in our department are 8.50 by 5.20″. Hands move on a clock, a bell is heard, and uniformly everyone stands up and makes their way to the lift. This is standardization of working time; the same numbers of hours, worked at the same time, by an entire workplace.Remember what Dolly Parton sang

Tumble outta bed and I stumble to the kitchen
Pour myself a cup of ambition
Yawnin’, stretchin’, try to come to life
Jump in the shower and the blood starts pumpin’
Out on the streets the traffic starts jumpin’
And folks like me on the job from nine to five

In Dolly’s world the traffic starts jumping because she is joined on her way to work by a flood of people, all commuting at the same time. This is a world with a collective rhythm created by institutionally defined events (the shared starting and finishing time of the working day). When you have a twelve hour core day, people no longer go to and come home from work at the same time. Our alarm clocks are no longer in sync. Working time becomes de-standardized.

In some ways, there are advantages to this. With increasingly both parents working, in a society with little support for those with caring responsibility, flexibility can necessary to be able to balance the demands of paid and unpaid work. De-standardization can allow workers to be able to vary their working lives to suit their non-work schedules (commuting at times that avoid traffic, allowing parents to adjust their day to their children’s crèche or school hours). Longer service delivery similarly allows workers access to services outside their working hours.

However there are downsides. With the de-standardization of time, we no longer share the same schedules. Increased complexity of schedules makes it harder to organize social events, to meet with each other. It is the difficulty of negotiating numerous time-tables that leads to a sense of time squeeze and stress, despite the reduction of working hours in society. Similarly, if parents have no control over the flexible hours they are required to work, de-standardization of time can make it harder to match their working schedule with those of their children’s crèches and schools. Finally, a longer “standard”, in which working 8-8 is seen as “normal”, could have the effect of lengthening working hours for those who do not work “fixed” hours, particularly those in white collar work who have “control” over their own working hours.

Christmas Gifts for the Token Economist

Oisin sent around his Amazon wish list, a fine list of books that I wish I not only owned, but also had read and crucially remembered. One of the things on the list is Charles Tilly’s “Big Structures, Large Processes, Huge Comparisons”, but his friends can save themselves a bit of money by downloading this delightfully retro version of the text (I’m that cheap that I’m just posting him the link here).

A nice companion gift might be the latest issue of Social Research Online (2009, Volume 14, issue 5), which is dedicated to the book. The article by Ernesto Castaneda provides a good overview of Tilly’s work.

I like Tilly’s approach to publishing, he seemed very much a believer in “better is the enemy of good” . Get it written. Enter a debate, If you are wrong, write a correction.  I am in themiddle of revising my dissertation for publication so this quote in particular from the Castaneda article spoke to me:

“Tilly was willing to publish fast in order to be proven wrong (or only partially right), and thus rendered perfectible. Indeed, why wait for someone else to fix his models? He often came back and improved his previous ideas. This is exemplified by the story he loved to tell about how his first book The Vendée (1964) was a refutation of his doctoral dissertation. One could argue that despite his sociability, Tilly was often in discussion mainly with himself.”

The joys of publishing

A Journey of Un-discovery


 

Aileen

 

I came across another mention of working time. Whereas the pilots below were arguing in favour of shorter hours on the basis of health and safety, surgeons in the UK represented by the Royal College of Surgeons in England were using health and safety of patients to argue against working time reductions. This is what they want

 

“Earlier this year, surgical trainee organisations worked out an ideal working system that would offer safe  and high quality patient care, ample training time and retain a good work/life balance for surgeons in training. They established that a core working week with flexibility to be on-call up to a combined total of 65 hours a week would be best and the Royal College of Surgeons calls for a sectoral opt-out of the European legislation to achieve this.”


 

This reminded me of a seminar I attended a couple of years ago at which Catherine Hakim attempted to argue that some work just wasn’t suited to part-time work by citing the example of surgeons. Some gentle laughing broke out in the room, and the chair explained to Hakim that the reason for this was that in Ireland many surgeons do indeed work part time (part time with private patients, part time with public patients) and they managed to do this without walking out of surgery to clock out.

 

This lead me to wonder, how do working hours of surgeons in the UK, differ from working hours in other countries? Does a surgeon have to work long hours in order to train and provide a service? Is the problem, long hours or (as I suspect) not enough surgeons or resources to assist in scheduling and managing complex time-tables?

 

So I went on a two-day search for statistics (I had the flu so my mind was open to distraction). There are two types of statistics on working time. There are statistics on working hours derived from general surveys in which there usually is one or two self-report questions on working time and then there are time-use surveys which are surveys designed specifically to look at questions of time.

 

The first kind of data can be found in the European Survey on Working Conditions, the European Household Community Panel (ECHP) and the European Labour Force Survey. For Ireland, this is compiled by the CSO as part of the Quarterly Household National Survey (QHNS). People are asked what their usual number of weekly hours are, what their actual hours were for the week of the survey and to select from a list some reasons why their actual hours might differ from their usual hours. I was very excited and delighted when the 2002 Census contained a question on usual hours work, but that was sadly dropped from the subsequent census. These various surveys report on weekly hours. The OECD also compiles the various international reports and additionally produces a report of annual working hours.

 

In terms of time use surveys there is the Harmonised European Time Use Studies Project (HETUS) that combines survey results from EU countries. The various international “time-uses” surveys have been harmonised and are now part of the Multinational Time Use Study (MTUS). There is also a lovely, longitudinal US Time-Use survey that has been collecting such data for over five decades. These sorts of surveys involve asking participants to fill in quite detailed time diaries. They are much more expensive to conduct, and sadly Ireland is not part of MTUS. The ESRI did conduct one pilot survey in 2004, but again sadly, this was not repeated.

 

So some data on working time exists. But what of working time of surgeons (or of pilots for that matter)?

 

This is where my journey ended. All but the census use ISCO-88 2 digit codes to define occupation. This means when the data is collected it is in very broad groups

 

  1. Legislators, senior officials, and managers
  2. Professionals
  3. Technicians and associate professionals
  4. Clerks
  5. Service workers and shop and market sales workers
  6. Skilled Agricultural and fishery workers
  7. Craft and Related Trades Workers
  8. Plant and machine operators and assemblers
  9. Elementary occupations

 

The reason for this that (unlike say a census) the numbers sampled are relatively small, so that that if you looked at sub-categories, you wouldn’t get enough data to make the survey representative. You might just uncover the working hours of the three pilots and four surgeons that happened to be included in the random sample. The census has of course much better occupational data – but in Ireland, we only have time-data on one year. I’m not sure if other countries have questions on working hours in their censuses.  (I’ll have to wait until the next time I’m sick to chase that one up).

 

And the moral of the story? Social research is frustrating. I always think that there must be data out there that answers the particular question I am asking and I often discover, after days of looking, that there just isn’t.

 

Reasons to be Cheerful, Part 3 and Part 4

First, Part 3 from Ian Dury

Second, Part 4 from Maxim Pinkovskiy, Xavier Sala-i-Martin

We use a parametric method to estimate the income distribution for 191 countries between 1970 and 2006. We estimate the World Distribution of Income and estimate poverty rates, poverty counts and various measures of income inequality and welfare. Using the official $1/day line, we estimate that world poverty rates have fallen by 80% from 0.268 in 1970 to 0.054 in 2006. The corresponding total number of poor has fallen from 403 million in 1970 to 152 million in 2006. Our estimates of the global poverty count in 2006 are much smaller than found by other researchers. We also find similar reductions in poverty if we use other poverty lines. We find that various measures of global inequality have declined substantially and measures of global welfare increased by somewhere between 128% and 145%. We analyze poverty in various regions. Finally, we show that our results are robust to a battery of sensitivity tests involving functional forms, data sources for the largest countries, methods of interpolating and extrapolating missing data, and dealing with survey misreporting.

[Empahasis mine]

Link

Bits and bobs



Aileen

1. Over the summer, I was re-reading John Laubs’ article on turning points and youth crime, In his work he uses a life course approach to look at juvenile delinquency and juvenile justice. By way of Cristopher Uggens blog on I’ve discovered that he has been appointed director of the National Institute of Justice director by Obama. Fergal, you’d probably be interested in both his work and that blog.

 

2. A graph for Oisin. The congressional budget office has released figures on the distribution of workers annual earnings between 1979 and 2007.

The article concentrates on continued differences between male and female earnings. The graphs are also interesting in showing that the rich are indeed getting richer (and these are just measures of earnings, not wealth).

 

 

3. I’m back doing research on working time, so plan to use this blog to note things of interest as I come across them. Here’s the first. The European Pilots Association organised protests on Monday, arguing that EU rules which allow for a minimum of 14 hours a day flight time are dangerous. I notice also, in the way of EU soft laws, national safety bodies are allowed, as in Britain, to authorise longer shifts.

 


Recession, made visible

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/home/moslive/article-1212013/Revealed-The-ghost-fleet-recession-anchored-just-east-Singapore.html

 Interesting to see the material reality of recession made so visible. It may be the immaterial flows and whatever that drive the ships or keep them silent - but it is the ships that keep us alive. Very literally, if you live in Ireland; about half of all our imports and exports go through one single port, at Dublin. (Not for nothing did the anarchist novel The Free imagine a revolution starting in the port.)

This, of course, in a world where an organic farmer in Tipperary (ie someone who doesn’t pay extra costs for weedkiller and artificial fertilisers) can be undercut by lettuces grown in Holland and transported by lorry, ship and lorry again (if not two ships and three lorries, via Britain).

Interesting or Important

Aileen

I love going to Sociology conferences, I get a buzz from hearing new ideas (even if they have nothing to do with my actual work). Yet, half way through the American Association of Sociology Annual Conference, I sat on my hotel bed drinking a cold beer, and thought to myself ‘I hate this conference, I’m never coming here again’. Later I said this to another sociologist and they asked me what papers I had been to. Because I was mostly meeting publishers hawking my book proposal, by the end of the four days, I’d only been to five sessions, four of which were excellent (the fifth was the one I presented at, so I was too involved to enjoy it).
Four good sessions is a fairly decent score, so what is it about the ASA that makes it so little fun. Partially it’s a big conference thing, it’s lonely to know nobody in such a crowd – but I’ve been to big European conferences, and found them much enjoyable affairs. Maybe it’s because they are in some beautiful historic university in a sunny city, so after sessions it’s out to the sunshine for cold beer in a city. Whereas, after ASA sessions it’s out to the air conditioned lobby of some bland hotel, a massive hotel lobby filled with suited sociologists, networking like nobodies business. It brings out the Homer Simpson in me (‘can’t compete, won’t try). I think it’s this business end of the ASA that feels so alienating to me – still despite this, by the last day, I was thinking to myself, maybe I’m beginning to get the handle on this conference, maybe I will come back again (though not next year.  This year I had to self finance, and given the state of the Irish economy, probably will again next year.  It will be just too pricey).

So the sessions (or at least, one of them for now).

The first was planned as a retrospective of Giovanna’s Arrighi’s work, with Arrighi answering the critiques of four presenters. Sadly Arrighi died in July so his partner Beverley Silver took his place. She introduced her talk saying that this was the first ASA in over twenty years that she had to attend without him, and throughout all the sessions I felt there was a sense of loss, that there were too few people with such ambition and audacity within sociology, that Arrighi was one of his kind. He used to tell his students that they needed more ‘analytic nerve’ (as an aside, it was strange to me and perhaps says something about how rare his type of sociology has become, there weren’t any special displays of his work on offer in the publishers room). She said he wasn’t tied to any theoretical concepts, he kept moving, looking for new tools, wasn’t tied to defending his decisions which why he didn’t shy from making predictions about the future, but was always ready to move on to the next project

She referred to the David Harvey interview (linked to in an early blog post) saying that he was always influenced in his work by his families’ anti-fascism, motivated by the urge to do what ever he could do to combat racism and injustice. For this reason he didn’t study what was interesting to him, but what was important, even if this lead him to make disastrous career moves (such as giving up a well paid university position in Italy, to work in the factories and from there the work he produced wasn’t even published in his own name). Deciding to study what is important sounds like such a simple thing, maybe like such an obvious thing, but it is very much counter to the ‘the game’ of academia as it is currently being played. It is an idea worth thinking about. How does one decided what is important anyhow? The difference between ‘interesting’ and ‘important’, is that interesting is that something is felt by me as an individual, but importance is something that answers larger social concerns. For Arrighi, knowing what was important, came from being immersed in social struggles. In the Harvey interview he says

“I had very good relations with the broader movements. They wanted to know on what basis I was participating in their struggle. My position was: ‘I’m not going to tell you what to do, because you know your situation much better than I ever will. But I am better placed to understand the wider context in which it develops. So our exchange has to be based on the fact that you tell me what your situation is, and I tell you how it relates to the wider context which you cannot see, or can see only partially, from where you operate.’

The articles on the capitalist crisis originated in an exchange of this kind, in 1972-3 . The workers were being told, ‘Now there is an economic crisis, we have to keep quiet. If we carry on struggling, the factory jobs will go elsewhere.’ So the workers posed the question to us: ‘Are we in a crisis? And if so, what are its implications? Should we just stay quiet now, because of this?’

[This post was late because after I went on my summer holidays, maybe I’ll blog them later, but for now, more pictures can be found here.]

Healthcare reform

For those of you who have been trying to follow the Obama heathcare reform here’s a helpful flow chart. (A bigger version is here)

First thing’s first. Obama is NOT introducing an NHS. He is not introducing a nationalised healthcare system. What he is doing is regulating existing private insurers, introducing insurance subsidies for people on low income and creating a ‘public option’ i.e. a publicly owned insurer.